The Body Keeps the Score: Brain, Mind, and Body in the Healing of Trauma
3. LOOKING INTO THE BRAIN: THE NEUROSCIENCE REVOLUTION
by testsuphomeAdminYou are being provided with a book chapter by chapter. I will request you to read the book for me after each chapter. After reading the chapter, 1. shorten the chapter to no less than 300 words and no more than 400 words. 2. Do not change the name, address, or any important nouns in the chapter. 3. Do not translate the original language. 4. Keep the same style as the original chapter, keep it consistent throughout the chapter. Your reply must comply with all four requirements, or it’s invalid.
I will provide the chapter now.
I
CHAPTER 3
LOOKING INTO THE BRAIN: THE
NEUROSCIENCE REVOLUTION
If we could look through the skull into the brain of a consciously
thinking person, and if the place of optimal excitability were
luminous, then we should see playing over the cerebral surface, a
bright spot, with fantastic, waving borders constantly fluctuating in
size and form, and surrounded by darkness, more or less deep,
covering the rest of the hemisphere.
—Ivan Pavlov
You observe a lot by watching.
—Yogi Berra
n the early 1990s novel brain-imaging techniques opened up undreamed-
of capacities to gain a sophisticated understanding about the way the
brain processes information. Gigantic multimillion-dollar machines based
on advanced physics and computer technology rapidly made neuroscience
into one of the most popular areas for research. Positron emission
tomography (PET) and, later, functional magnetic resonance imaging
(fMRI) enabled scientists to visualize how different parts of the brain are
activated when people are engaged in certain tasks or when they remember
events from the past. For the first time we could watch the brain as it
processed memories, sensations, and emotions and begin to map the circuits
of mind and consciousness. The earlier technology of measuring brain
chemicals like serotonin or norepinephrine had enabled scientists to look at
what fueled neural activity, which is a bit like trying to understand a car’s
engine by studying gasoline. Neuroimaging made it possible to see inside
the engine. By doing so it has also transformed our understanding of
trauma.
Harvard Medical School was and is at the forefront of the neuroscience
revolution, and in 1994 a young psychiatrist, Scott Rauch, was appointed as
the first director of the Massachusetts General Hospital Neuroimaging
Laboratory. After considering the most relevant questions that this new
technology could answer and reading some articles I had written, Scott
asked me whether I thought we could study what happens in the brains of
people who have flashbacks.
I had just finished a study on how trauma is remembered (to be
discussed in chapter 12), in which participants repeatedly told me how
upsetting it was to be suddenly hijacked by images, feelings, and sounds
from the past. When several said they wished they knew what trick their
brains were playing on them during these flashbacks, I asked eight of them
if they would be willing to return to the clinic and lie still inside a scanner
(an entirely new experience that I described in detail) while we re-created a
scene from the painful events that haunted them. To my surprise, all eight
agreed, many of them expressing their hope that what we learned from their
suffering could help other people.
My research assistant, Rita Fisler, who was working with us prior to
entering Harvard Medical School, sat down with every participant and
carefully constructed a script that re-created their trauma moment to
moment. We deliberately tried to collect just isolated fragments of their
experience—particular images, sounds, and feelings—rather than the entire
story, because that is how trauma is experienced. Rita also asked the
participants to describe a scene where they felt safe and in control. One
person described her morning routine; another, sitting on the porch of a
farmhouse in Vermont overlooking the hills. We would use this script for a
second scan, to provide a baseline measurement.
After the participants checked the scripts for accuracy (reading silently,
which is less overwhelming than hearing or speaking), Rita made a voice
recording that would be played back to them while they were in the scanner.
A typical script:
You are six years old and getting ready for bed. You hear your
mother and father yelling at each other. You are frightened and
your stomach is in a knot. You and your younger brother and sister
are huddled at the top of the stairs. You look over the banister and
see your father holding your mother’s arms while she struggles to
free herself. Your mother is crying, spitting and hissing like an
animal. Your face is flushed and you feel hot all over. When your
mother frees herself, she runs to the dining room and breaks a very
expensive Chinese vase. You yell at your parents to stop, but they
ignore you. Your mom runs upstairs and you hear her breaking the
TV. Your little brother and sister try to get her to hide in the closet.
Your heart pounds and you are trembling.
At this first session we explained the purpose of the radioactive oxygen
the participants would be breathing: As any part of the brain became more
or less metabolically active, its rate of oxygen consumption would
immediately change, which would be picked up by the scanner. We would
monitor their blood pressure and heart rate throughout the procedure, so
that these physiological signs could be compared with brain activity.
Several days later the participants came to the imaging lab. Marsha, a
forty-year-old schoolteacher from a suburb outside of Boston, was the first
volunteer to be scanned. Her script took her back to the day, thirteen years
earlier, when she picked up her five-year-old daughter, Melissa, from day
camp. As they drove off, Marsha heard a persistent beeping, indicating that
Melissa’s seatbelt was not properly fastened. When Marsha reached over to
adjust the belt, she ran a red light. Another car smashed into hers from the
right, instantly killing her daughter. In the ambulance on the way to the
emergency room, the seven-month-old fetus Marsha was carrying also died.
Overnight Marsha had changed from a cheerful woman who was the
life of the party into a haunted and depressed person filled with self-blame.
She moved from classroom teaching into school administration, because
working directly with children had become intolerable—as for many
parents who have lost children, their happy laughter had become a powerful
trigger. Even hiding behind her paperwork she could barely make it through
the day. In a futile attempt to keep her feelings at bay, she coped by working
day and night.
I was standing outside the scanner as Marsha underwent the procedure
and could follow her physiological reactions on a monitor. The moment we
turned on the tape recorder, her heart started to race, and her blood pressure
jumped. Simply hearing the script similar activated the same physiological
responses that had occurred during the accident thirteen years earlier. After
the recorded script concluded and Marsha’s heart rate and blood pressure
returned to normal, we played her second script: getting out of bed and
brushing her teeth. This time her heart rate and blood pressure did not
change.
As she emerged from the scanner, Marsha looked defeated, drawn out,
and frozen. Her breathing was shallow, her eyes were opened wide, and her
shoulders were hunched—the very image of vulnerability and
defenselessness. We tried to comfort her, but I wondered if whatever we
discovered would be worth the price of her distress.
Picturing the brain on trauma. Bright spots in (A) the limbic brain, and (B) the visual cortex,
show heightened activation. In drawing © the brain’s speech center shows markedly
decreased activation.
After all eight participants completed the procedure, Scott Rauch went
to work with his mathematicians and statisticians to create composite
images that compared the arousal created by a flashback with the brain in
neutral. After a few weeks he sent me the results, which you see above. I
taped the scans up on the refrigerator in my kitchen, and for the next few
months I stared at them every evening. It occurred to me that this was how
early astronomers must have felt when they peered through a telescope at a
new constellation.
There were some puzzling dots and colors on the scan, but the biggest
area of brain activation—a large red spot in the right lower center of the
brain, which is the limbic area, or emotional brain—came as no surprise. It
was already well known that intense emotions activate the limbic system, in
particular an area within it called the amygdala. We depend on the
amygdala to warn us of impending danger and to activate the body’s stress
response. Our study clearly showed that when traumatized people are
presented with images, sounds, or thoughts related to their particular
experience, the amygdala reacts with alarm—even, as in Marsha’s case,
thirteen years after the event. Activation of this fear center triggers the
cascade of stress hormones and nerve impulses that drive up blood pressure,
heart rate, and oxygen intake—preparing the body for fight or flight.1 The
monitors attached to Marsha’s arms recorded this physiological state of
frantic arousal, even though she never totally lost track of the fact that she
was resting quietly in the scanner.
SPEECHLESS HORROR
Our most surprising finding was a white spot in the left frontal lobe of the
cortex, in a region called Broca’s area. In this case the change in color
meant that there was a significant decrease in that part of the brain. Broca’s
area is one of the speech centers of the brain, which is often affected in
stroke patients when the blood supply to that region is cut off. Without a
functioning Broca’s area, you cannot put your thoughts and feelings into
words. Our scans showed that Broca’s area went offline whenever a
flashback was triggered. In other words, we had visual proof that the effects
of trauma are not necessarily different from—and can overlap with—the
effects of physical lesions like strokes.
All trauma is preverbal. Shakespeare captures this state of speechless
terror in Macbeth, after the murdered king’s body is discovered: “Oh
horror! horror! horror! Tongue nor heart cannot conceive nor name thee!
Confusion now hath made his masterpiece!” Under extreme conditions
people may scream obscenities, call for their mothers, howl in terror, or
simply shut down. Victims of assaults and accidents sit mute and frozen in
emergency rooms; traumatized children “lose their tongues” and refuse to
speak. Photographs of combat soldiers show hollow-eyed men staring
mutely into a void.
Even years later traumatized people often have enormous difficulty
telling other people what has happened to them. Their bodies reexperience
terror, rage, and helplessness, as well as the impulse to fight or flee, but
these feelings are almost impossible to articulate. Trauma by nature drives
us to the edge of comprehension, cutting us off from language based on
common experience or an imaginable past.
This doesn’t mean that people can’t talk about a tragedy that has
befallen them. Sooner or later most survivors, like the veterans in chapter 1,
come up with what many of them call their “cover story” that offers some
explanation for their symptoms and behavior for public consumption. These
stories, however, rarely capture the inner truth of the experience. It is
enormously difficult to organize one’s traumatic experiences into a coherent
account—a narrative with a beginning, a middle, and an end. Even a
seasoned reporter like the famed CBS correspondent Ed Murrow struggled
to convey the atrocities he saw when the Nazi concentration camp
Buchenwald was liberated in 1945: “I pray you believe what I have said. I
reported what I saw and heard, but only part of it. For most of it I have no
words.”
When words fail, haunting images capture the experience and return as
nightmares and flashbacks. In contrast to the deactivation of Broca’s area,
another region, Brodmann’s area 19, lit up in our participants. This is a
region in the visual cortex that registers images when they first enter the
brain. We were surprised to see brain activation in this area so long after the
original experience of the trauma. Under ordinary conditions raw images
registered in area 19 are rapidly diffused to other brain areas that interpret
the meaning of what has been seen. Once again, we were witnessing a brain
region rekindled as if the trauma were actually occurring.
As we will see in chapter 12, which discusses memory, other
unprocessed sense fragments of trauma, like sounds and smells and physical
sensations, are also registered separately from the story itself. Similar
sensations often trigger a flashback that brings them back into
consciousness, apparently unmodified by the passage of time.
SHIFTING TO ONE SIDE OF THE BRAIN
The scans also revealed that during flashbacks, our subjects’ brains lit up
only on the right side. Today there’s a huge body of scientific and popular
literature about the difference between the right and left brains. Back in the
early nineties I had heard that some people had begun to divide the world
between left-brainers (rational, logical people) and right-brainers (the
intuitive, artistic ones), but I hadn’t paid much attention to this idea.
However, our scans clearly showed that images of past trauma activate the
right hemisphere of the brain and deactivate the left.
We now know that the two halves of the brain do speak different
languages. The right is intuitive, emotional, visual, spatial, and tactual, and
the left is linguistic, sequential, and analytical. While the left half of the
brain does all the talking, the right half of the brain carries the music of
experience. It communicates through facial expressions and body language
and by making the sounds of love and sorrow: by singing, swearing, crying,
dancing, or mimicking. The right brain is the first to develop in the womb,
and it carries the nonverbal communication between mothers and infants.
We know the left hemisphere has come online when children start to
understand language and learn how to speak. This enables them to name
things, compare them, understand their interrelations, and begin to
communicate their own unique, subjective experiences to others.
The left and right sides of the brain also process the imprints of the past
in dramatically different ways.2 The left brain remembers facts, statistics,
and the vocabulary of events. We call on it to explain our experiences and
put them in order. The right brain stores memories of sound, touch, smell,
and the emotions they evoke. It reacts automatically to voices, facial
features, and gestures and places experienced in the past. What it recalls
feels like intuitive truth—the way things are. Even as we enumerate a loved
one’s virtues to a friend, our feelings may be more deeply stirred by how
her face recalls the aunt we loved at age four.3
Under ordinary circumstances the two sides of the brain work together
more or less smoothly, even in people who might be said to favor one side
over the other. However, having one side or the other shut down, even
temporarily, or having one side cut off entirely (as sometimes happened in
early brain surgery) is disabling.
Deactivation of the left hemisphere has a direct impact on the capacity
to organize experience into logical sequences and to translate our shifting
feelings and perceptions into words. (Broca’s area, which blacks out during
flashbacks, is on the left side.) Without sequencing we can’t identify cause
and effect, grasp the long-term effects of our actions, or create coherent
plans for the future. People who are very upset sometimes say they are
“losing their minds.” In technical terms they are experiencing the loss of
executive functioning.
When something reminds traumatized people of the past, their right
brain reacts as if the traumatic event were happening in the present. But
because their left brain is not working very well, they may not be aware that
they are reexperiencing and reenacting the past—they are just furious,
terrified, enraged, ashamed, or frozen. After the emotional storm passes,
they may look for something or somebody to blame for it. They behaved
the way they did way because you were ten minutes late, or because you
burned the potatoes, or because you “never listen to me.” Of course, most of
us have done this from time to time, but when we cool down, we hopefully
can admit our mistake. Trauma interferes with this kind of awareness, and,
over time, our research demonstrated why.
STUCK IN FIGHT OR FLIGHT
What had happened to Marsha in the scanner gradually started to make
sense. Thirteen years after her tragedy we had activated the sensations—the
sounds and images from the accident—that were still stored in her memory.
When these sensations came to the surface, they activated her alarm system,
which caused her to react as if she were back in the hospital being told that
her daughter had died. The passage of thirteen years was erased. Her
sharply increased heart rate and blood pressure readings reflected her
physiological state of frantic alarm.
Adrenaline is one of the hormones that are critical to help us fight back
or flee in the face of danger. Increased adrenaline was responsible for our
participants’ dramatic rise in heart rate and blood pressure while listening to
their trauma narrative. Under normal conditions people react to a threat
with a temporary increase in their stress hormones. As soon as the threat is
over, the hormones dissipate and the body returns to normal. The stress
hormones of traumatized people, in contrast, take much longer to return to
baseline and spike quickly and disproportionately in response to mildly
stressful stimuli. The insidious effects of constantly elevated stress
hormones include memory and attention problems, irritability, and sleep
disorders. They also contribute to many long-term health issues, depending
on which body system is most vulnerable in a particular individual.
We now know that there is another possible response to threat, which
our scans aren’t yet capable of measuring. Some people simply go into
denial: Their bodies register the threat, but their conscious minds go on as if
nothing has happened. However, even though the mind may learn to ignore
the messages from the emotional brain, the alarm signals don’t stop. The
emotional brain keeps working, and stress hormones keep sending signals
to the muscles to tense for action or immobilize in collapse. The physical
effects on the organs go on unabated until they demand notice when they
are expressed as illness. Medications, drugs, and alcohol can also
temporarily dull or obliterate unbearable sensations and feelings. But the
body continues to keep the score.
We can interpret what happened to Marsha in the scanner from several
different perspectives, each of which has implications for treatment. We can
focus on the neurochemical and physiological disruptions that were so
evident and make a case that she is suffering from a biochemical imbalance
that is reactivated whenever she is reminded of her daughter’s death. We
might then search for a drug or a combination of drugs that would damp
down the reaction or, in the best case, restore her chemical equilibrium.
Based on the results of our scans, some of my colleagues at MGH began
investigating drugs that might make people less responsive to the effects of
elevated adrenaline.
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